By Benny YP Siahaan[1]
On 22 and 23 September
2014 in New York, the United Nations will hold for the first time ever, the
World Conference on Indigenous Peoples (WCIP). Aside of government officials, the
conference will be attended by more than 200 indigenous peoples organizations
around the globe (including from Indonesia) “to share perspectives and
best practices on the realization of the rights of indigenous peoples and to
pursue the objectives of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP)”.
The decision to hold
this world conference was unanimously agreed to by the UN General Assembly
(UNGA) in 2010 to organize a high-level plenary meeting (HLPM) on indigenous
peoples in 2014. The conference is expected to produce an Outcome Document
consisting of, among other things, a set of plans and commitments to be
implemented by the UN member states.
Thus far, the WCIP is
received with mixed feelings. On
the one side, there is high hope that the meeting would give a push to create a
momentum of a new era with States agreeing to implement the provisions
contained in the UNDRIP.
On the other side,
there is a legitimate fear that the WCIP would become another empty talk shop
(as it is common in the UN meetings) with the needs and rights of indigenous
peoples immersed in the sea of clichés and false promises of the UN’s meeting
jargon. Furthermore, countries that are not supportive to the idea of
holding WCIP but did not dare to say “no” on 2010’s UNGA decision (due to the
fear of being called stumbling block) may not send high-level delegations which would tone down the significance of this conference.
Aside from that
skepticism, in my opinion, this first meeting of its kind has set indigenous
people issues a new chart in the global political landscape particularly in the
long debate on the authority and power of States vis-a-vis indigenous peoples.
Indeed, if we closely
observe the development of the international framework of indigenous people
issues in world forums in the last two decades, it is quite steady and
progressive. In 2006 the UN
agreed to adopt the UNDRIP --the first ever “Bill of Rights” on indigenous
peoples. And to keep
indigenous peoples issues alive and being discussed in world bodies, the UN
Permanent Forum on Indigenous Peoples (UNPFII) and the UN Expert Mechanism on
the Right of Indigenous Peoples (EMRIP) were established in New York and Geneva
respectively. UN Special Rapporteur on Indigenous Issues also established.
Furthermore, the UN also proclaimed the 9 August as the World’s indigenous Peoples
Day.
The issue is how and
where should Indonesia stand in this development? The discussion of indigenous
peoples issue in Indonesia is a complex one. On one side, the Government has accepted
the adoption of UNDRIP in 2006, but it has reservations that the term of
“self-determination” in the declaration shall
not be construed as encouraging or let alone violating territorial integrity of States.
On the other hand, some of the indigenous people organizations in Indonesia may
think differently. There
has been a Bill called ”Pengakuan
dan Perlindungan Hak Masyarakat Hukum Adat” which is still controversial and
has yet to be adopted although
it has been proposed and deliberated for years.
Indeed, the political
dimension of the term of “self-determination” in the UNDRIP at least has two
aspects: namely external and internal. Externally it may be construed as
seeking sovereignty from a nation-state. Internally, it may mean as a
self-governance or autonomy. Thus it depends on which side we interpret them.
In this regard, the Papuan Customary Council (Dewan
Adat Papua) and an NGO of Bangsa Adat Alifuru Maluku (Alifuru customary nation
of Moluccas) which is based in the Netherlands commonly support the external
political aspect of self-determination during various indigenous peoples
meetings both in New York and Geneva. These NGOs are commonly affiliated with
the separatist organizations of the Free Papua Movement (OPM) and the Republic
of Southern Moluccas (RMS) respectively.
Currently, there are
193 political units recognized as States with UN membership and several others
with other political status. Thus, the claim by some indigenous people that,
should they wish to become States (through self-determination), they should be
supported, may have serious and negative implications.
Indeed, after the end
of decolonization and in a time when State-creation was based on special
considerations such as inheritance of colonial boundaries (Uti possidetis principle), we have continued to
witness a rise in the number of recognized States and, even more so, in the
number of struggling independence movements.
Nonetheless, it is
interesting to observe research stating that granting independence to new
States, particularly if they are not economically viable, may be
counter-productive as they will only become a burden to the international
community since these countries will end up depending on foreign aid.
The other issue that is
continued robustly under debate is whether the indigenous people concept is
applicable to Indonesia. Although
controversial, this issue is common in the debate of States versus indigenous
people. The Government does not accept the indigenous concept applicable to
Indonesia since all native Indonesians are indigenous people or commonly called
as “pribumi” (sons of land). In this perspective, Javanese, Bataknese etc are
indigenous Indonesians.
It is a different
situation if we compare the Native American Indian in the US and Canada or
Aborigines in Australia vis-a-vis their colonists from the West. Hence the term
“masyarakat adat” is widely used by indigenous people NGOs in Indonesia, like
AMAN, cannot be translated into English as indigenous peoples since it has
different legal significance and meaning.
Apart from that debate,
I think it is legitimate for all government to support the well-being of ALL
their people to pursue their
economic, social and cultural development for their own ends despite whatever
name you call them.
New York, 18
September 2014
[1] The
writer is an alumnus of Tsukuba University in Japan The views
expressed herein are personal opinion.

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